On Education and Human Nature Essay Example for Free

On Education and Human Nature Essay This paper is a brief discussion of the relationship between education and human nature as seen in two varying viewpoints – that of Callicles (in Plato’s Gorgias) and Protagoras. The author is of the belief that education, albeit necessary in the survival of man in the long run, is a construct that contradicts the nature of man insofar as it restricts certain aspects of an individual. Such an assertion is partly leaning towards Callicles’ view of man as a creature whose appetites, so to speak, have to be met by virtue of a natural law. This position, along with Protagoras’ view of the nature of education that it is essential in the cultivation of civic virtue – is key to the author’s argument that education is restricting. Callicles and Protagoras are similar in the sense that both are Sophists, with the slight distinction that the former is a student of Gorgias. Protagoras (outside of Plato’s dialogs) is known for his assertion that man is the measure of all things, and with that in mind it can be said that Callicles likewise adheres to that position, but with reservations – i. e. , the â€Å"better† man (discussions on definition aside) seems to be the measure of all things, not all men as they are. Aside from that, however, there is nothing more that links the two characters in Plato’s dialogs together. In fact, the views of the two thinkers with regard to the issue central to the discussion in this paper differ greatly. To begin, Callicles admonishes Socrates in their dialog for remaining to be a â€Å"student† of philosophy even as an adult. For Callicles, philosophy is not meant to be studied extensively nor lengthily; it is supposed to be indulged in by the youth, and only in moderation. He maintains that studying philosophy insofar as it is required by one’s education is acceptable; however, to still be engaged in philosophizing when one is already past the age of schooling is short of appalling since it causes one to deviate from leading a practical life. But what is this practical life that Callicles is in favor of? The answer to this question is implicit in the discourse that followed his expression of dislike towards Socrates’ way of life. Callicles purports that there is a natural justice in existence in the world that is being resisted, or even disregarded, by conventional justice. His notion of what is â€Å"just by nature† revolves around the idea that the â€Å"superior† amongst men is supposed to be a kind of usurper of property (if seen in a negative way) who – by virtue of his superiority – has the right to rule over the inferior of his kinsmen, and is entitled to a greater share in everything compared to lesser men. Such a concept, as seen in his exchange with Socrates, is completely in opposition to what is being forwarded in their society at the time – the idea that all men are essentially equal, and that what is just is for everyone to receive an equal share. This is the conventional justice Callicles is referring to. Socrates, in turn, and with his method of â€Å"acquiring knowledge† (Socratic method), manages to use his opponent’s argument against him. He began his argument with questions that asked for a clarification of definition – what is superior? Better? – and ended with the statement that with Callicles’ own words he managed to show that since many is superior to one, then rules of the many are superior; hence, these rules are rules of the better; hence, the rules of these â€Å"better† people are admirable by nature since they are superior; thus, natural justice is not at all in contradiction with conventional justice. As mentioned earlier, within the aforementioned exchange regarding natural and conventional justice lies Callicles’ perception of the practical life, or the kind of life an individual ought to lead. As with countless other thinkers, his argument is deeply rooted with the idea of happiness as the end to which man should direct his actions. What distinguishes him from Protagoras, though, is his assertion that happiness – and his concept of natural justice can be attained only by the man who will succumb to his appetites, or in his own words: â€Å"the man who’ll live correctly ought to allow his own appetites to get as large as possible and not restrain them†. As for what he termed as â€Å"contracts of men† – which are to be assumed as the laws that maintain order in the society – Callicles is of the opinion that since these go against the grain with which man is made, they are to be considered â€Å"worthless nonsense†. For his part, Socrates of course attempted to dissuade Callicles by means of his conventional method of discourse and by introducing the analogy of the two men with jars, to no avail. Protagoras’ main point in the discourse relevant to this paper is that virtue is teachable. In support of his assertion, he recalled the account of the creation of man in Greek mythology to Socrates. He recounted that all creatures of the earth are made by the gods out of fire and earth, and that prior to giving them life Epimetheus and Prometheus were tasked to facilitate the distribution of abilities to them. Epimetheus volunteered to do it himself, with Prometheus inspecting the result. Epimetheus balanced the distribution with regard to â€Å"nonreasoning animals†. As for the human race, they were left bare, in the broadest definition of the word. Prometheus saw the problem and solved it by stealing from Hephaestus and Athena wisdom in the practical arts and fire and gave them to man, which proved fatal for him in the end. It is important to note that wisdom in the practical arts is wisdom intended for survival. It did not include political wisdom – needed to be able to establish and maintain the order of a city as this is kept by Zeus. The result was catastrophic, as evidenced by the fact that later on Zeus sent Hermes to distribute justice and shame to all men for fear that the human race will be wiped out because of man’s inability to coexist in cities they founded to protect themselves from wild beasts that placed them in danger of annihilation. Political or civic virtue then – products of justice and temperance – became a divine law of which every man is knowledgeable, unlike other virtues that stem from other arts (such as architectural excellence). This myth was used by Protagoras to show that inherent in all men are the seeds of civic virtue that only need to be coaxed out with the aid of education and constant admonition from one’s elders (particularly parents). And since this is the case, all men are capable to be taught virtue, because all men are in possession of it. Protagoras made a second, this time stronger point to support his statement that virtue is teachable. He began his argument by saying that the difference between evils caused by natural processes and those resulting from the lack or absence of civic virtue is that the former elicits pity for the person in possession of such an evil. Contrary to that, when society is confronted with a person exhibiting the opposite of virtue – injustice, impiety, etc. – it is not pity that’s felt but anger. Protagoras maintains that this reaction is due to the fact that civic virtue is regarded as something that can be acquired through training, practice, and teaching. He pushes his position further by saying that reasonable punishment – administered to a person who has committed an act that goes against civic virtue – is undertaken as a deterrence, the implication of which is that virtue is and can be learned. To further support his claim, Protagoras went into a brief discussion of how virtue is taught to all men all their lives. As little children, he said, men are taught not only by their parents about civic virtue but also through the education they receive. From the literature they study to the songs they play, teachers are keen on inserting messages meant to teach them what is good and just. For Protagoras, it seems, education is not merely comprised of letters and literature. Music is likewise necessary, as well as sports. Music, as he said, makes people â€Å"gentler† – they become more â€Å"rhythmical and harmonious† with regard to their actions. And this is important because for him, â€Å"all of human life requires a high degree of rhythm and harmony†. As for sports, Protagoras mentions that parents â€Å"send their children to an athletic trainer so that they may have sound bodies in the service of their now fit minds†. Even after one’s formal schooling is over, education on the virtues does not stop. As Protagoras said: â€Å"When [the students] quit school, the city in turn compels them to learn the laws and to model their lives on them. They are not to act as they please. † He ended his side of the discussion with a rhetorical question of how anyone can wonder about virtue being teachable when it is given so much care and attention in man’s public and private life. It is crucial to analyze the discourse both thinkers had with Socrates, albeit briefly, to be able to shed light on the position of this paper that education is necessary but constricting. With regard to the nature of man, it is clear that there is a clear dividing line between the idea of Callicles and that of Protagoras. For the latter, what is good for man is that which is good for the society. In other words, there is no contradiction between natural and conventional justice relative to the nature of man and how he ought to live. For the former, man is essentially a being meant to be governed by his appetites, or desires. The conflict lies in the fact that conventional justice dictates that there be a certain level of order maintained in a society, order which will only come about through the citizens’ willingness to subject themselves to laws that promote equality and peaceful co-existence. For Callicles, such laws are human constructs, designed to restrain his idea of a superior man, and as such should not be observed. The author will go one step further and say that although there is no direct discussion on education in Callicles’ discourse with Socrates, it is clear that since education is a human construct, he sees it as but another shackle his superior man has to bear. Despite the fact that Protagoras is amenable to education – as it teaches civic virtue – there is a single line in the discourse that implies a completely different attitude. Protagoras told Socrates that when a man’s formal education is over, he is still forced to learn the laws and live by them, and that he is not to act as he pleases. This goes to show that despite the eagerness of his version of man to live a life of civic virtue, part of him still needs to be shackled by laws. It is these deductions – from both thinkers – that led the author to believe that inherent in every person is a part that yearns for unbridled freedom and power. Education is an institution that strives to inculcate in man the characteristics needed for him to be able to lead a peaceful life in a society – characteristics that lean towards suppressing one’s desires and call for a sort of balance between fulfilling one’s wants and respecting those of others. Despite the restrictive nature of education, the author believes that it is still a necessary burden people have to bear. Gone are the days when man kept to himself, when he foraged for food and did not maintain a life of permanence in any one place. With the evolution of man came the need for permanence, and with that co-existence with other men. It may be true that at the core of every man is a selfish desire for power – to have everything and more. But if all men were to be allowed to act according to their whims, the stories of old – where Zeus feared that the human race might be annihilated because of man’s inability to restrain his need for power – may come true after all. Survival today does not only entail meeting one’s basic needs. It is also about respecting other men, if one were to be anthropocentric about it. And this – along with other things that will aid the human race to persist for the next millennia can only be reinforced by education.

Crusades in the 14th and 15th Century

Crusades in the 14th and 15th Century To what extent did the idea of crusading remain integral to the chivalric culture of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries? In the traditional view, the crusades started in the 11th century and ended in the last decade of the 13th. There is much debate, however, surrounding to what extent later crusading activity can indeed be considered crusading, and what role it played in chivalric culture of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The formation of chivalric culture was no doubt influenced to some extent by crusading ideology. Chivalry is made up of a range of activities, values and attitudes,[1] with crusading itself being viewed as a chivalrous activity and military orders formed during the crusades before the fourteenth century seen by some to be early examples of chivalry.[2] The first crusade gave birth to new ideas of the role of the warrior in Christian society; defence of the faith and reclamation of the Holy Land was, according to the church, the highest task to which a knight could dedicate himself and the 1099 triumph at Jerusalem set the standard for defence of holy places as the highest goal of chivalry.[3] Benedictine theologian and historian, Guibert de Nogent, wrote in the 12th century that God himself had started a holy war to allow knights to seek Gods grace in their wonted habit and in discharge of their own office, and need no longerseek salvation by renouncing the world in the profession of monk,[4] suggesting that crusading elevated knights to positions similar to priests and emphasising the prestigious and highly pious aspect of knighthood. Similarly, crusader poet Aymer de Pegulhan writes that crusading allows the achievement of honour in life and joy in paradise without renouncing our rich garments, our station in life, all that pleases and charms.[5] This idea that crusading brought distinction and recognition was widely understood into the fourteenth century, and features as a common theme in contemporary texts. Chaucers Knight, for example, represents an embodiment of the loftiest chivalric ideals and an idealised aspiration of many fourteenth century English crusaders.[6] In examining the extent to which crusading remained integral to the chivalric culture of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, one must first examine what is meant by the term crusade. The label crusade was uncommon before the 1700s and, contemporarily, there was no single accepted term; words that suggested travel (often combined with references to Jerusalem, the cross, or the Holy Land) were used, and early sources often labelled participants as pilgrims or simply Christians.[7] It is therefore understandable that what constitutes a crusade is ambiguous and varies between scholars. Constable[8] gives four approaches to defining the crusades: pluralist, traditionalist, generalist, and popularist. Pluralists see papal authorisation as the key criterion for a crusade, irrespective of the nature or location of the conflict,[9] which therefore includes such conflicts as the Alexandrian Crusade‎, Mahdian Crusade‎, Battle of Nicopolis‎, Crusade of Varna, and the Hussite Wars. In a similar vein, generalists see all wars with papal connections fought in defence of Christianity as crusades.[10] Traditionalists, on the other hand, view crusades as expeditions from 1095 to 1291 that aimed to defend or recover the Holy Land, thus dismissing all later activity[11] with some arguing that this would also have been the view held by contemporaries.[12] Similarly, the First Crusade alone is considered a crusade by popularists, who limit this label to conflicts characterised by popular religious upsurges.[13] It is understandable, therefore, that scholars from th ese different schools of thought will have different understandings of the extent to which the idea of crusading remained integral to the chivalric culture of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. A golden age of crusading,[14] an epoch of crises and confusions, incoherent and diffuse[15] and a Indian summer of crusading[16] have all been used to describe fourteenth century crusading and, indeed, there is much debate surrounding the nature of crusading in this period. The devastating loss of Jerusalem and Acre in the 12th and 13th centuries may have motivated Christians to act and roused them to the reality of Christianitys precarious position in the Levant, and wandering kings such as Peter I de Lusignan and King Leon VI of Cicilian Armenia may have helped remind them of the fortune of fellow Christians in foreign lands.[17] Even with repeated and expensive attempts, the early fourteenth century saw no successful crusades to recover the Holy Land.[18] Despite papal taxation, proposed by the Second Lyons Council, domestic needs of rulers, who accepted taxation insofar as they could benefit from it, meant that they could not support the idea of funds being used by another ruler in the organisation of a recovery crusade.[19] Traditionally, this failure to launch an expedition to the holy land is understood to indicate the end of the age of crusading and an increase in conflict which made difficult the international cooperation needed to launch such an expedition. The early to middle of the fourteenth century was certainly a difficult climate for crusading: the suppression of the Knights Templar had created a sense of confusion and anxiety, joined with a feeling of disenchantment due to the abandonment of attempts to reclaim the Holy Land.[20] Understandably, many nobles at this time regarded crusading with a sense of suspicion and caution, despite family tradition,[21] and financial and political factors upon which crusading relied were affected by plague, the Anglo-French war, and the collapse of the Italian banking houses (upon which papal taxation of the Church depended).[22] These factors make it easy to comprehend why many may have agreed with chronicler Salimbene of Adam that it is not the divine will that the Holy Sepulchre should be recovered.[23] Traditionalists are inclined to label crusading activity in this period as an irrelevant hobby confined to enthusiasts, unimpressive compared to former achievements, far removed from the harsh realities of the age,[24] and little more than an aftermath in crusade history.[25] Indeed, crusading activity in this period was characteristically dissimilar from the general passagia before it; the Holy Land remained out of Christian control, with focus turning less towards seemingly unattainable holy places and more towards the hethenesse (that is, the land of heathens).[26] Despite this shifting focus, religion was, of course, still a major factor in the continuation of crusading activity. According to Huizinga, medieval thought was saturated in every part with conceptions of the Christian faith,[27] and of the ten chivalric commandments assigned by Gaultier in 1883, three are concerned with the church and defence of Christian religion.[28] There was no doubt a strong religious factor in embarking upon crusades in the late Middle Ages. The first and principle glory of the dignity of true chivalry is to fight for the faith according to Philippe de Mezieres;[29] Duke of Bourbon, Louis IIs, motivation for commanding the Al-Mahdiya crusade in 1390 was his similar desire to serve God;[30] wanting to expand Christianity by dedicating himself to Gods service is apparently John of Neverss reason for his enthusiasm for the Nicopolis crusade; [31] and references to the honour of God and the Virgin were made at the Feast of the Pheasant in the mid-fifteenth centur y. Although it is hard, if not impossible, to know an individuals true feelings in regards to faith, chivalric culture continued to emphasise religious piety and the lofty ideals of crusading, and there is no cause to suspect insincerity in such devotion: the knight John de la Ryvere, for example, supposedly abstained from all conflict that he deemed morally unjust whilst on campaign and Robert, Lord Fitzpayn, described a readiness to destroy bodies, friends and wealth for the sake of the crusade.[32] No doubt an image of the sacrifice of Christ was not overlooked in these seemingly martyrlike desires to serve God,[33] and the great suffering involved meant crusading was often regarded as superior to other forms of pilgrimage. 12th century French Dominican friar, Humbert of Romans, for example, believed that crusading represented the highest form of pilgrimage, as crusaders expose themselves to death repeatedly.[34] Furthermore, Mamluks, Turks, and other enemies of Christianity must have seemed worthy targets of retaliation for the suffering of Christ.[35] Furthermore, crusading was also a means of redeeming the soul: in the fourteenth century, atoning for the sins of others, both living and dead, was encouraged of crusaders; concern for salvation of the dead was reflected in 1365 lobbying of the pope for indulgences for those who gave masses in memory of ancestors, and church rites and rituals for the crusades are well attested, such as a specially adapted group of psalms and pra yers inserted between the breaking of the Host and the Pax Domini before communion to invoke divine aid for the Holy Land.[36] Chivalrys religious ideals were not the lone causes of the continued relevance of crusading; reputation and honour were major factors, alongside friendships and loyalties, encouraged by cultural contact between European courts[37] and the fact that crusading allowed a chance for knights to distinguish themselves from rivals. Social and material advancement was a coveted reward for the military prestige associated with crusading; for example, upon his return from Constantinople in 1368, servant of Sir John Mowbray, John Dodenill, was promoted to post of warrener.[38] These factors are reasons for why the idea of crusading remained relevant to chivalric culture in the fourteenth century, and for why the importance of crusading activity in this period should not be overlooked or underestimated. Failure to organise an expedition to reclaim the Holy Land was not due to disinterest on the part of knights, but was instead caused by complex political factors of the time, such as the conflict between England and France, and the papal schism. The challenges of this period may have been discouraging, but it has been argued that, between 1307 and 1399, English knights enjoyed their greatest degree of opportunity and freedom, with shorter crusade service terms and a wide range of war frontiers encouraging an eager response that, according to Guard, can be considered to rival, if not eclipse, the response to crusading in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries.[39] For this reason, it is not hard to see why many scholars have labelled the fourteenth c entury a golden age of crusading.[40] Just as fourteenth century crusading differed from early crusading, the fifteenth century saw a further shift, with the September 1396 Nicopolis disaster viewed as a turning point[41] that saw the start of major changes taking place within both crusading and chivalry. Factors such as Henry IV and Vs increased demands for war, and domestic political crises at the end of the fourteenth century meant a reduction in crusading numbers and a decrease in the diversity and range of crusading which had been so characteristic of the previous century.[42] The Lancastrian revolution in the last year of the fourteenth century ended the atmosphere of co-operation and idealism which had supported crusade planning at intermittent times during the fourteenth century and ensured there were no additional attempts at organising a combined Anglo-French expedition. The romantic idea of crusading still held power, though; a desire for the king to eventually reclaim the Holy Land as a seemingly logical prog ression of the 1415 Agincourt victory is presented in the Gesta Henri Quinti, and according to Burgundian chroniclers, Henry V had exchanged crusade vows before the offensive against the Dauphin in 1420.[43] But times had changed and international crusading had come under pressure from many directions. The continuing centralisation of the monarchy and growing debate and criticism regarding the kings duty to act for the greater good assisted an increasingly strong sense of the geographical confines of the crown. Church propaganda and patriotism validated a monopoly on military resources for the war with France, and thus focus was shifted closer to home, which can be seen in the fact that, after Henry V, a king would not fight at the head of an army outside the British isles again until Henry VIII and the Battle of the Spurs in 1513. Crusade opportunities began to dry up. In short, the political and social climate previous to the Nicopolis crusade could not be recovered.[44] In the fifteenth century, crusadings main adversaries became the Ottoman Turks. English knightly traffic to Rhodes and other outpots of Christianity persisted, but their military impact and numbered were minimal and by the end of the Hundred Years War, the audience for which Chaucer and Mezieres had written had largely disappeared.[45] Furthermore, the idea of chivalry as a value system was coming under increased pressure, and the role of the knight in English society was changing, edging towards a less martial occupation. Conventional ideology remained in place but in the first decades of the fifteenth century, decisive changes in the character of contemporary chilvary came to light, with movement away from the dynastic wars of the fourteenth century towards what was formatted as a struggle for the respublica.[46] Concepts of sovereign authority, legitimiate war making and the guiding principles of profit and loss helped shape military expectations, and from the very begin of the Hundred Years War signs of the pressure of standards quite other than those on which chivalry was founded had been apparent. Therefore, in conclusion, it seems that crusading did remain a defining function of chivalric society, particularly in the fourteenth century, which was the so-called golden age of English chivalry. In the fourteenth century, it was a diverse, multifaceted, and vibrant set of practices,[47] which is particularly impressive against the aforementioned backdrop of hindrances and setbacks.[48] Crusading remained integral to chivalric culture in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries because it exemplified so many chivalric ideals, from religious piety to However, it is hard to say to what extent crusading itself is integral to chivalry, as much as its values are. Crusading exemplifies the idea of a pious, sacrificing knight, which is no doubt why it was a popular expression of chivalry in the fourteenth century. In the fifteenth century, but more recent views do tend to emphasise renewed vitality of this new crusading activity, This new crusading was characterised by its decentralisation and diversity, made up of smaller expeditions not in the Holy Land but on the edges of Europe.[49] Whatever the case, there is a lot to be said for stressing the adaptability, as well as the sheer resilience, of the movement. [50] As a final note, it seems almost wilfully short-sighted to take a traditionalist or generalist view in this matter; to the participants, these crusades must surely have seemed as valid and as crucial as any before them. It is easy to overlook or underestimate their significance in retrospect, and one must remember that, to contemporary minds, recapturing the Holy Land was still an uncertainty. Even if the fighting was not in the Holy Land itself, it surely served the same purpose in the spiritual lives of the participants. Characterised by fighting in the hethenesse, as opposed to the expeditions to holy places that defined early crusades, Bibliography Constable, G. 2001. The Historiography of the Crusades. In Laiou, Angeliki E.; Mottahedeh, Roy P. The Crusades from the Perspective of Byzantium and the Muslim World. 1-22. Crouch, D. 2005. The Birth of Nobility: Constructing Aristocracy in England and France 900-1300 Gaultier, L. 1891. Chivalry: translated by Henry Frith. Guard, T. 2013. Chivalry, Kingship and Crusade: The English Experience in the Fourteenth Century. Hazard, H. W. (ed.) 1975. Chapter One: The Crusade in the Fourteenth Century in The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries. 2-26. University of Wisconsin Press . Housley, N. 1992. The Later Crusades, 1274-1580: From Lyons to Alcazar. Oxford University Press. Housley, N. 1999. The Crusading Movement 1274-1700 in Riley-Smith, J (ed) The Oxford History of the Crusades. Oxford University Press. Housley, N. 2017. The Crusade in the Fifteenth Century: Converging and competing cultures. Routledge. Huizinga, J.H. 1938. The Waning of the Middle Ages. London. Kaeuper, R.W. 2009. Holy Warriors: The Religious Ideology of Chivalry Keen, M. 1984. Chivalry. Yale University Press. Keen, M. 1996. Nobles, Knights and Men-at-Arms in the Middle Ages. Bloomsbury. Lock, P. 2006. Routledge Companion to the Crusades. Routledge. Manion, L. The Loss of the Holy Land and Sir Isumbras: Literary Contributions to Fourteenth-Century Crusade Discourse in Speculum. Vol. 85, No. 1 (JANUARY 2010). 65-90. Powell, J.M. 1995. Rereading the Crusades: An Introduction in The International History Review, Vol. 17, No. 4 (Nov., 1995) Riley-Smith, J. 2009. What were the Crusades? Palgrave Macmillan. Saul, N. 2011. Chivalry and Crusading in For Honour and Fame: Chivalry in England 1066-1500. Bodley Head. [1] Keen, 2005. 44-45. [2] Powell, 1995. 667-668. [3] Keen, 1996. 2. [4] Riley-Smith, 2009. 23. [5] Keen, 1996. 2. [6] Saul, 2011. 230. [7] Constable, 2001. 11-12. [8] Constable, 2001. 11-12. [9] Riley-Smith, 2009. 27; Housley, 1992. 2-3. [10] Constable, 2001. 14. [11] Constable, 2001. 12. [12] Housley, 1992. 3. [13] Constable, 2001. 15. [14] Housley, 1992. 402. [15] Guard, 2013. 15. [16] Saul, 2011. 230. [17] Hazard, 1975. 5. [18] Manion, 2010. 65-66. [19] Housley, 1999. 262-264. [20] Housley, 1999. 261. [21] Housley, 1999. 261. [22] Housley, 1999. 261. [23] Housley, 1999. 261. [24] Huizinga, 1938. 87. [25] Housley, 1999. 266. [26] Saul, 2011. 230. [27] Huizinga, 1938. 65. [28] Gaultier, 1891. 26. [29] Keen, 1996. 3. [30] Housley, 1992. 401. [31] Housley, 1999. 261. [32] Guard, 2013. 145. [33] Guard, 2013. 157-158. [34] Kaeuper, 1999. 73. [35] Kaeuper, 1999. 73. [36] Guard, 2013. 154. [37] Guard, 2013. 173. [38] Guard, 2013. 126. [39] Guard, 2013. 208. [40] Housley, 1992. 402. [41] Hazard, 1975. 25; 647. [42] Housley, 1999. 275-276. [43] Guard, 2013. 213. [44] Housley, 1992. 78 [45] Guard, 2013. 213. [46] Guard, 2013. 214. [47] Manion, 2010. 65-66. [48] Housley, 1999. 266. [49] Saul, 2011. 230. [50] Housley, 1999. 266.

FLQ Crisis Essay -- essays research papers

On October 5, 1970, British trade commissioner James Cross was kidnapped in his Westmount home by members of the terrorist group Front de liberation du Quebec. The FLQ Manifesto called for non-democratic separation to be brought about by acts of terror. From 1963 to 1967, the FLQ planted 35 bombs; from 1968 to 1970 they planted over 50 bombs. By the fall of 1970 the terrorist acts of the FLQ cells had claimed 6 lives. The kidnappers' demands included the release of a number of convicted or detained FLQ members and the broadcasting of the FLQ Manifesto. The Manifesto was read on Radio-Canada. Then, on October 10th, the Quebec minister of justice guaranteed safe passage to anywhere in the world for the kidnappers in exchange for the safe release of Cross. That same day Pierre Laporte, a famed Quebec reporter, author of The True Face of Duplessis, and the minister of immigration and labour in the Quebec government, was kidnapped by a different FLQ cell on the lawn of his suburban home. Laporte's kidnapping triggered a phone call from Liberal Premier Robert Bourassa asking Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau to prepare the Canadian Armed Forces for action in Quebec and to declare War Measures. Two days later, October 12, Trudeau summoned armed troops to guard potential targets in Ottawa and Montreal such as cabinet ministers, John Diefenbaker, who was on the FLQ hit list, and federal buildings. On the following day, October 13, Peter Reilly of CJOH and I were at the west door of the Centre Block of the House of Commons. Reilly was asking Trudeau some basic questions in a laconic, unemotional style about the army and tanks being in Ottawa. Suddenly we were joined by CBC reporter Tim Ralfe who asked Trudeau a very emotional question about his decision to invoke the War Measures Act. Pierre Trudeau interview An angry Trudeau replied: "There's a lot of bleeding hearts around who just don't like to see people with helmets and guns. All I can say is go on and bleed." "How far are you going to go?" Ralfe insisted."Just watch me!" said Trudeau. And Canadians across the country watched as, at 3 o'clock in the morning, Friday, October 16, Trudeau invoked the War Measures Act. The Press Gallery was packed. Trudeau was careful, cold, analytic - and brilliant. The invocation of the War Measures Act meant the suspension of traditional Canadian civil l... ...erre LaPorte, the Quebec Minister of Labour, and James Cross, The British Trade Commissioner to Canada, were kidnapped by the FLQ. Prime Minister Trudeau put into effect the War Measures Act for the first time in Canadian history during peace time. He did this without consulting parliament. However, parliament voted three days later to approve the use of the act. The civil liberties of the citizens of Canada were suspended while the act was in force. In a few cities, officials used the WMA to clean up the streets, picking up "undesirables" and throwing them into jail. More than 450 people were jailed in Quebec for suspected connections to the FLQ. Most were later released without any charges being laid. After the War Measures Act was put into effect, no other public figures in Canada were kidnapped. Eventually Pierre Laporte was murdered by his captors and Cross was released unharmed after his kidnappers were flown to exile in Cuba. But for many in Quebec, the question was raised : what might the federal government do if Quebec ever did decide to leave Canada... the use of the army in the streets and t he loss of civil liberties left a bad taste in many people's mouths.

Comparing the Role of Women in Emma and Jane Eyre Essay -- comparison

  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Throughout history women have played important roles in society. Women have gone through much adversity to get where they are today.   Jane Austen and Charlotte Brontà « are some the pioneers of women's literature. Each shows their different aspects of a women's role in society in their books Emma by Austen and Jane Eyre by Brontà «.   In both of these books the author shows how a woman deals with societies' norms, values, and manners.      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Jane Eyre is an orphaned daughter of a poor family.   She is brought up by her aunt Sarah Reed.   Where she is teased and tortured by the aunt and the family.   She is not very pretty and is barely on the social structure. On the other hand Emma Woodhouse is a beautiful girl and is financially sound.   She is raised by her maternal father.      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In Emma, Emma Woodhouse is in search of finding the appropriate man for herself is the main theme.   As the reader goes deeper into the text Emma slowly progresses into a self-deception.   Having since childhood been obliged to manage her father, she still likes to manage things,   and particularly people.   She manages to manipulate everyone except Mr. George Knightley.      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In Jane Eyre, Jane demonstrates a strong need to be herself, to take responsibility for her action.   She is put to the test by her daily teasing and abuse from her cousins. When she is brought to a boarding school she soon distinguishes herself through her classes.   Eventually ends up in Thorn... ... finds out the Bertha Mason Rochester set it on fire and jumped off the roof.   Austen in a way showed this as a rebirth for Rochester and Jane Eyre.   Jane returns to Rochester even though he suffered an amputated hand and is blinded by the fire.  Ã‚  Ã‚   Eventually they marry and Rochester regains his sight in one eye and produces a son.      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In both of these books the author shows how a woman deals with societies' norms, values, and manners.   Jane and Emma endure harsh realities in life.   Jane had to be a strong character to go through what she did.   Emma not as strong but the determination in find a spouse.   Even though Jane and Emma had different hardships the had similar characteristics.   They both had wisdom, imagination, and character.

Frankenstein, the Novel :: essays research papers fc

How does information about early cognitive development relate to violence the creatures commits?   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Human cognition is the study of how people think and understand. As part of growing up, there are four stages called the cognitive developmental stages that an individual goes through. From the sensory motor stage to the formal operational stage, human beings learn to interpret their surroundings of everyday life experiences. However, in the case of the Creature in the novel, Frankenstein, he was never developed in a cognitive way, and therefore, the creature was passively torn by opposing forces of human beings in his surrounding environments. Overall, cognitive development and the relation between the Creature’s turn towards violence is a result of neglect, psychological indifferences, and lack of socialization skills.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  There are a variety of perspectives and emphases within cognitive psychology of human beings. Psychological indifferences of the Creature creates conflicts within himself and his surroundings. If an individual has a different view of life, the resulting factor may be psychologically challenging. This Creature was brought to life with grotesque looks and an abnormal brain. He did not know any concepts to the environment surrounding him, and therefore, was a child in an adult’s body. According to Jean Piaget, when the Creature was first brought to life, he is in the ‘sensory motor stage’ of human development. This is the level at which â€Å"individuals experience the world only through their senses† (Macionis 65). Since the Creature was never taught right from wrong, he thought that whatever he was doing was the right concept. It is obvious that we do not commit acts of murder; however, in the Creature’s world of his own, he though t an act of murder was entertainment and dramatizing when he first comes into contact with a little girl. For example, when the little girl comes and asks the Creature to play with her, he ends up throwing her into the lake, drowning her because she can not swim (Frankenstein). If this Creature was psychologically taught that he is larger than other humans and needs to be cautious with how he handles situations, such circumstances might be prevented. In a movie version titled, Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein, the Creature and his creator, Victor Frankenstein are in a cave and they are both arguing with each other about the events that has happened with the murdering of Victor’s relatives. The Creature responds to Victor’s statements with, â€Å"You gave me these emotions, but you did not tell me how to use them† (Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein).

Contrasting rich and poor in Hong Kong

I have learnt many words by reading books. I have never enjoyed reading but if I find a book I like, I'll read it. This is how I learn new words and hence, I have a better English education. Ever since I was a toddler I have never enjoyed reading books apart from when I choose them. I always chose the books with with loads of words on a page with hardly any pictures. Therefore, it has become a habit in my simple life as I was sailing in the pool of words since I was 6 years old. The favorite play that captivated me the most is called â€Å"Educating Rita†. The play â€Å"Educating Rita† is written by Willy Russell. It is based on contrast as the main characters Rita and Frank have very different backgrounds. Frank is well educated (academic background) and he is a professor who teaches English in a university but Rita is a hair-dresser (working class background) who has not been well educated. Rita called herself a â€Å"freak† and â€Å"half caste†. She wants to be educated because she says â€Å"I wanna know†. She knows she is not ‘educated' yet and dimly realizes what ‘education' is. What Rita wants is to be out of her social class. For her, education is a means of achieving this and she is probably right. She instinctively knows she lacks something and thinks a university degree will fill the gaps in her life. Rita is eager to learn everything and she is energetic. It affects me as it reflects the sharp contrast between the condition of poor as well as middle class and rich people. The reason why I thought in this way is because that's what I see every day in the streets and my feelings. In Hong Kong, poor people are living in a confined space. They are living in houses that are surrounded by tons of rubbish. Whenever I walk pass the area with this types of housing, I could always hear the â€Å"sizz†¦.sizz†¦sizz† sound, and I am not sure if it comes rats or other insects. It has a foul smell too, and yet, people are living in this kind of environment. In contrast to the poor, the rich and middle class people are living in houses and mansions where rooms are air conditioned; it is clean and is relatively comfortable. At night the poor housing area is overwhelmed by darkness, but I know there are people living on the side of road and of that area. We are staying in a cool area but they are suffering from heat from the sun. We sit on comfortable chair but they sit on the ground with germs. The contrast is a little uncomfortable for me. Thus, sometimes when I cannot sleep, I will start to wonder ‘what if I am one of them who live on the street? Will I survive?† People living in that area have no money. In addition, they have to fear and tolerate what might happen to them every day. Sometimes, I think the poor have more courage than I do. What could I do for them? Most of the time, I could only feel sad for them, and usually we will forget about them and live on with our own life. It is vitally important to me because their experiences instill a certain fear in me. I told myself I don't aspire to be a very rich person, but I am really afraid to be poor. I don't think any amount of money is ever enough to help the poor who live below the poverty line but every penny counts! We must also accept the fact that corruptions has add on more problems to this major issue, but we must always tell ourselves â€Å"Can rescue how many are how many†. This is, we must always save as many lives as we could because every life counts. The existence of poor and rich in the society is unavoidable, but the disparity and gap between them should be reduced as much as possible. The rich may have the right to spend as copiously as they like to live in comfort, but the poor should also have the right and means to keep the body and soul together. Embracing the poor, engaging the rich.

Labor Relations in International Business Essay

Our company has stood steadfast in all aspects of achieving success in our global operations. Our presence in the international markets considered in details each and every intricacies and relevant features of each of those market places. Topmost however to all of these detailed considerations is the working relationship we establish with the national workforce in each and every country. International labor relations focus on the human resources available and contributory to every foreign office we operate. As new, embarking sales professionals delving into the exciting and challenging global market – you must have the foresight and sensitivity in relating to different kinds of culture; of habits; or laws; of working styles; professional methods – apart from a dash of individual idiosyncrasies. Your ability to work through those factors and variances will go a long way in sustaining our success in the international business arena. Multinational companies such as ours move on a fast paced and challenging global environment due to the rapid advancement in technology and transportation mode. The swift interconnectivity of human beings in this 21st century invigorates constant change in product qualities and standards; incites innovates customer relationship techniques; and most of all enhances speedy delivery of services. Competition is therefore constant and very much alive and challenging as new market segments arise; new methods of packaging, advertising and marketing strategy come to fore; and aggressive servicing strategies arise. This wide arena of competition makes multinational companies look for operating in foreign markets within the lowest cost possible at a faster pace; sustained quality of product and customer service and innovative marketing techniques. Our sales operations overseas are overseen by designated Country Managers who is overall responsible for every aspect of running the business. We opted to appoint a national citizen of every sales branch. This is more effective as he creates the teamwork and networking within the country of operation. The Country Manager is supervised by the Regional Manager. There are company policies we hand over to the Country Managers specifically with regards to product image handling and pricing. However, the rest of the operational requirements are inherently conceptualized and designed by the Country Manager, together with his team with regards to growing the business and developing the market and relating to customers. The focal aspect with regards to labor and human relations policies are likewise pretty much within the guidelines and jurisdiction of the labor laws of each country. The pertinent recognition and respect is given to compensation guidelines; minimum wage parameters; overtime rewards; bonus; work perks like healthy insurance coverage; work safety standards and laws on working hours. The Country Manager is likewise given leverage in making decisions about observance of holidays and national and religious festivities inherent in the country of operation. As we operate as trader and sellers and each country, the issue of labor union and collective bargaining has not arisen yet. Each of our overseas operations is staffed approximately between 100 to 150 personnel and this does not call for such aspect of labor relations. The company therefore looks forward to your success and enjoyable learning experience in our spearheading global business. Please feel free to talk to your management team for any inquiries or clarification you seek.